The Republic’s explanation in 1889, as opposed to what many people do not imagine, did democracy in our country. The well -intended nineteenth century Republicans, such as Benjamin Constant, Quintino Bocaiuva and José do Patrocínio, did not imagine that behind the coup that was promoted by the military who surprised Dom Pedro, there were farmers and trader linked to São Paulo coffee with the intention to extend the hand with the intention of the intention with the intention of the intention to exit hand with the intention to extend the intention to extend their minds.
São Paulo was no longer the internal province away from the business and interests of the federal capital. From the Republic, the rebellious metropolis was recognized as “the locomotive in Brazil”, although northeastern politicians were baptized that “the locomotive followed by drawing 20 empty wagons”. It is true that during the 41 years of the old Republic, politics was the same: if the presidents changed, but the goal was always to defend the autonomy for São Paulo Coffee and the mine milk whose surplus production was purchased by the government. When it comes to coffee, to maintain prices in the international market, the extra was burned. A little was done by the people and thought a little about the people. Coffee policy with milk promoted the elections whose voice needed to be signed by the voter, ie. Those who vote against a close politician could be discovered. It was the leveling vote, always accompanied by charges of fraud. Paulista Republican Party – PRP, did not even have a program and only worked in favor of farmers.
At present, to get an idea of how popular participation was small, only 5% of the population had the right to vote. At the time of the old Republic, there were no high expectations of personal progress even for the middle class who, without job opportunities through their children, go to the church career or military career, hence the number of lieutenants, the more than the most degree bourgeois officials.
In 1929, the New York scholarship and shock in the economy broke the coffee prices further increasing unemployment and hunger, especially in the northeastern. The farmers in Sao Paulo disagree with those from Minas and Washington Luiz decide that their successors would be another Paulista, Julio Prestes, but the Lieutenant and the other military viewed squares, such as sergeants, cables and soldiers, who had already tried to compensate the government, in 1922 and 1924, this time this time. Washington Luiz ends up dismissed and sent to exile and in his place the lieutenants put the one who had met the Republicans in the election that Julius Prestes won and lost in a election that was considered fraudulent. Your name: Getúlio Vargas.
In the Sao Paulo PD – Democratic Party, which opposed the Paulista Republican Party Apóia Getúlio as parades in the city’s open car, leaving in the PD members hopes he appointed the state government as party member, Professor Francisco Morato. Instead, Getúlio names as an interviews, João Alberto, a Pernambuco Lieutenant and leaves the São Paulo Liberals annoyed.
João Alberto puts his colleagues, lieutenants from other states, in important functionalism positions, abuse of power and embarrassing small traders with attitudes such as going to a barber shop and not paying for the service because of the government. Those appointed by João Alberto usually eaten lunch at noble restaurants and then hung the bill on behalf of the 1930 revolution. Getúlio Vargas followed decisive regulations, without legislative houses and without constitution.
In 1st January 1931, one Thursday, the magazine Ostado de S. Paulo publishes an editorial that proposes that an statutory congregation holds that it was time for the country to resume democratic normality. Getúlio responds to the newspaper through a door – voice with his confidence, Juarez Távora, saying it was still early because the ancient Republicans could revive the manipulation of elections by adding that Paulistas only thought of themselves and not in Brazil. By attacking São Paulo, the door united the Pauluistas against the lieutenants and against Getúlio. Students from the Faculty of the Act began to promote Rally, who suggested a constitution and João Alberto began the oppression and were careful before removing the weapons from the São Paulo quarter to avoid a reaction.
The constitutional proposals have been given supporters in Rio Grande Do Sul and Rio de Janeiro. The Democratic Party broke with Getúlio and created a single front that suggested a Paulista Governor. On January 25, 1932, there was a large rally on Sé Square and in different parts of the country had dissatisfied because the lieutenants sent more than the generals. In Rio Grande Do Sul and São Paulo, mobilization began to go with Getúlio’s withdrawal.
In Sao Paulo, Generals Isidoro Dias and Euclides Figueiredo with General Bertholdo Klinger from Mato Grosso, a plan to dismiss Getulio. In Rio Grande Do Sul, General Flores da Cunha promised to send troops to support and Minas Gerai’s government announced that he would also send troops to the dictator. This information came to Getulio’s office that promised elections and a constituent for the following year, but it was late. On May 22, students provided weapons and went to Republic Square to invade the political headquarters of the lieutenants.
It was shot and the battle ended at dawn on May 23 with four students of students who stretched on the sidewalk Praça da República and Rua Barão de Itapetining, were Martins, Miragaia, Drusio and Camargo. One of them was only 14 years old. It was popular uprising and the next day the MMDC movement was created, with the students’ initials, who already had the task of encouraging the war of a constituent.
The date of the attack was July 14, the date of the French Revolution, but when Getúlio dismissed General Klinger from the Mato Grosso command, Isidoro suggested to predict the attack, but if he feared not to arrive from Gauchos and miners on time, but Isidoros the dissertation prevailed.
Some newspapers began to announce that there would be war and to call the young Paulistas to work and the adhesion was total. Historian Hernâni Donato tells in the book “Short History of the Constitutional Revolution” which even single young women urged the fight by telling their grooms or boyfriends, “those who do not carry the uniform, then should wear a skirt.” There were over 200,000 subscribers, many had never even captured a gun, but they were brave and disposed of as true heroes.
After the fight began, female residents of Sao Paulo, over 100,000, would offer services to support organizations, such as sewing volunteers’ uniforms and making hot clothes, since the winter of 1932 was rigorous and the nurse. There were more than 440,000 uniforms for free, with seamstress which was a swinging day and night shifts in front of 800 sewing machines. The commercial association mobilized to maintain wages to families of volunteers in war.
During the early hours of July 9 -troops, which has been commanded by General Euclides Figueiredo, the border between the states of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro who block the railway tunnel and prevents the river from passing to Sao Paulo and waiting for the strengthening of the troops that would come to support, from Rio Grande. Getúlio revives determines the interdiction of the port of Santos and prevents the arrival or departure of any type of ship or goods, while negotiating to remove the military commanders of the other states about the idea of associating with the constitutional movement of São Paulo.
The war news was the newspapers for São Paulo that Paulistas every day advanced against Rio de Janeiro, but Hernâni Donato, in his book, records that the news was strange – actually untrue – because they quoted progress of troops but either went in circles or return. “One day they said that the soldiers from São Paulo were in the municipality of Lavrinhas, another day in Piquete, there was actually no effective progress,” writes Hernâni. The truth is that General Euclides Figueiredo made a strategic mistake by driving the troops to the border with the state of Rio de Janeiro and standing there waiting for Gauchos and miners. This gave Getúlio time to formulate and arm the counter attack.
Radio records would be Paulista’s spokeswoman in the revolution, with the news stories written by Guilherme de Almeida with Paris Belfort March, randomly chosen by sound technicians and then become a symbol of the constitutional revolution. The troops from Minas Gerais arrived as expected, but shot in Paulistas, took them in the back and surprising, which happened in Itapeva and Buri, in the southern state, before the Gaucho forces. There were also attacks in other places in the interior of São Paulo of troops from Mato Grosso and aircraft even bombarded the Mars field by preventing the end of the small aviation belonging to the public. The population began to be afraid of the risk that the city of São Paulo would be bombarded that already happened during the 1924 revolution. In the end, the federal troops enter São José do Barreiro and attack the trench that takes on control over the railway tunnel. There was nothing else to do, St. Paul lost the war in weapons.
On October 3, 1932, one Monday, Estadão published on the first page the terms of an Armistício that ended the war. Beside, on the first page of the newspaper, The Governor Acclaimed by Paulistas, Pedro de Toledo, Published A Message Where he explained: “Everything that could be done, until a são paulo coin was chorded. Was Made to Value The New Money Emitted during the revolution: “Gold for the good of Sao Paulo”, the Movement was called. After the revolution, what was left of this amount that was applied to the construction of a building in the city center, which is on this day, whose format is similar to the Paulista flag. In the end, everyone who commanded the revolution was banned.
But the constitutional ideal exceeded the borders of the state and the country began to demand the government’s position in this regard. That is why it is said that São Paulo did not win in weapons but won in ideals. This is true. They were about a thousand killed in the revolution, but only 634 were correctly identified. In 1934, Brazil would win a constitution that ensured the secret vote with dignity and voting rights for women.
In order to understand the meaning of that revolution, it is important to remember that until then it was not known in Brazil what is democracy, thus the history we have done from the monarchy to the end of the old Republic. When we think about democracy, openness, citizenship and rule of law, we will follow the ideals of the constitutional revolution. Whenever things that do not follow these principles are shown, we will be out of the democratic feeling of openness. So I always try to remember the phrase from the poet Paulo Bomfim: “The 32 ditch was baptism’s discussion in our country.”